| Papers [37-54] of 2700 :: [Page 3 of 150] | | Go to page : <— 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 —> | |
|
|
The United States and Korea, 1953, 2008.
A discussion of the significance of the end of the Korean War for the United States.
1,720 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 16 sources, MLA, $ 55.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the events that led up to the end of the Korean War in 1953 and the impact it had on the United States. The paper states that one remarkable aspect of the ending of this war was the modest impact it had on America. It claims that this stemmed partly from the fact that Korea had not been a site of significant American interest before this war began, the war had bogged down into seemingly interminable negotiations, and the political situation was focused on other matters. The paper concludes that, when the armistice agreement was signed, there were no wild celebrations, perhaps because the country had finally ended a war it was truly tired of.
Outline:
Lack of a Historical Relationship/Lack of a Historical Korea
The Fall of China, the Rise of McCarthyism, and the Democratic Retreat
The Korean War: From the First Campaigns to the Fall of MacArthur
Armistice and Exhaustion
From the Paper
"At the end of World War Two, Korea remain of middling importance to the United States. American Secretary of State Dean Acheson did not define Korea as part of the American sphere of influence in the world, suggesting that the United States would not intervene militarily if North Korea attempted to take over South Korea,17 although apparently few in the American administration took this as a serious prospect. Thus, it was something of a shock when the United States intervened when the war broke out."
| |
|
Freedom over the Internet, 2008.
An analysis of the pros and cons to the world and to Canada of Canada's plan to prevent the monitoring of online activity by various governments.
1,268 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 43.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper discusses the plan of the Canadian government to encourage more freedom around the world by thwarting the efforts of certain foreign governments to monitor what people do online. It discusses the pros and cons of such a plan to the world as a whole and to Canadian relations in particular, in terms of possible retaliation by these foreign governments, not just on the Internet but in trade and other commerce between nations.
From the Paper
"Canada has had several disputes with the United States in recent years, though overall relations remain good. The Iraq war proved to be a point of contention and "revealed differences in the manner in which the two states believe that force can be used to resolve conflicts" (Richter para. 1). The move under consideration could also become a point of contention, and this aspect should be examined closely because it could be even more harmful if it generates concerted opposition from those governments seeing the west as invading their rights. Essentially, the proposed program would be contentious and may not have the desired effect in any case, so it should not be pursued."
| |
|
A Change in Liberal Democracy, 2008.
A discussion of the shift in the ideology of liberal democracy.
2,142 words (approx. 8.6 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 67.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines how the existence of the Cold War had many effects on liberal democratic states and also affected to a degree the way in which democracy was, and continues to be, understood in these states. The paper explains that this includes the United States, which in some ways has come to see democracy as a given that more and more people have been willing to give up aspects of a democratic state in the face of a threat, as has been seen in the acquiescence of the people to a variety of intrusions on their democratic rights since 9-11. The paper also discusses how the success of democracy in the Cold War should have solidified that political ideology as to be preferred, but its very success seems to have opened it to new threats from within. In conclusion, the paper shows that more and more, liberal democracies are defining themselves in terms of collective security over individual preference, and this signals a profound shift in thought that only makes the future more uncertain.
From the Paper
"Schlesinger says that America in the past has stood as an example of a federal, multi-ethnic society that worked, but he seems to believe that this is no longer the case. The U.S. has worked because it has been able to offer answers to the question of what reasons are there for different ethnic groups to see themselves as part of the same nation. Schlesinger now sees an eruption of ethnicity in America, which may have many good consequences, but which he also believes has many bad consequences."
| |
|
Empires in the First Half of the 20th Century, 2008.
A comparison of imperial China and the Austro-Hungarian empire during the first half of the 20th century.
1,760 words (approx. 7.0 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 56.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the transformations in political structures that took place in the first part of the 20th century in China and Europe, in particular the area of Austro-Hungarian Empire, which was territorially-reconstructed after World War I. The paper points out that China was an Empire for two thousand years and Austro-Hungary was Europe's oldest great power. The paper argues that nationalism was the leading cause of the changes that took place. While imperial China stayed territorially more or less the same, its political structure changed significantly. The Austro-Hungarian Empire on the other hand ceased to exist, and the Empire collapsed, much like most European Empires at the time, giving birth to new nations and various forms of governments. Noting the general trend of change in both China and Europe, the paper concludes that, as empires crumbled, they were replaced by several forms of governments ranging from democracies to totalitarian regimes.
From the Paper
"There were many consequences of World War I, including the ten million casualties in the armies (Esler, 2004). Also, this war significantly changed the map of Europe. The Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed and in its place several new nations were born. The Slavic nationalists were somewhat appeased by the treaty of Versailles. Yugoslavia was formed, unifying Southern Slavs, with its core in Serbia. Czechoslovakia too was a Slavic country formed with the break up of Austro-Hungary (Sontag, 1971). The Russian Empire crumbled and was replaced with a communist revolution and regime. The treaty of Versailles also significantly weakened Germany. It was stripped of its colonies, disarmed and forced to pay reparations. Parts of it were given to Poland and the Czech Republic."
| |
|
Mikhail Gorbachev, 2008.
A look at the rule of Mikhail Gorbachev and the changes he made to the
international system in the 1980s.
4,072 words (approx. 16.3 pages), 13 sources, MLA, $ 109.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the era of the Cold War and in particular, the role played by Mikhail Gorbachev in influencing the course of historical events in the 1980s. The thesis is argued that Gorbachev initiated the processes that brought about the end of the Cold War not so much in response to international conditions so much as to the domestic situation in the Soviet Union - both economic and political. It also argues that he realized that immediate steps to reform were required if the Soviet Union were to meet the challenges of a new era.
Outline:
Introduction
The Soviet Union Before Gorbachev
The Domestic Climate of the USSR
Gorbachev's "New Thinking" and the End of the Cold War
Riding the Dragon of Reform
Conclusion
From the Paper
"While it is undeniable that Mikhail Gorbachev is the single most important Soviet figure during the 1980s, and arguably the personality most responsible for the end of the Cold War, his rise to power in the Soviet system represents a fascinating problem for students of Soviet history. Indeed, several years after Gorbachev had come to power George Kennan - the U.S. diplomat who had played a key role in the development of the "containment strategy" in the 1940s - was asked in a television interview how so unconventional a figure could have risen to the top of the Soviet system that had - during the long Brezhnev era - being characterized as moribund and extremely conservative. Kennan's response is illuminating: "I really cannot explain it." "
| |
|
National Security Strategy, 2008.
An analysis of the US National Security Strategy (NSS-2002) and the National Security Council Report 68 (NSC-68).
1,290 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 12 sources, APA, $ 43.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper focuses on analyzing a particular aspect of the National Security Strategy, that is, NSS-2002. It uses the National Security Council Report 68 (NSC-68) as a reference point to understand the difference in the perceptions of threat facing the United States and the difference between the two policies. The connection between the two policies highlights some political, economic, and cultural realms that have been affected by the dimensions of the policy. Overall, it is clear that US foreign policy is reactive rather than preventative, since both NSS-2002 and NSC-68 were devised to counter, rather than to prohibit actions that were seen as harmful to the United States. The paper concludes that even domestic policies necessarily affect global economy, due to the integration of societies, thus careful consideration of foreign policy on use of power is imperative.
Outline:
Introduction
National Security Strategy (NSS-2002) and NSC-68: A Critical Review
Conclusion
From the Paper
"What are the similarities and differences between the NSS-2002 and the NSC-68? There is the common misconception that the NSS-2002 is simple about combating terrorism. As can be clearly seen from the eight principles outlines, the NSS-2002 surpasses combating terrorism, but has an overarching aim of promoting free trade and combating all aspects of terrorism. It is necessary to distinguish between state-sponsored and non-state sponsored terrorism, so as to understand how the NSS-2002 integrates all aspects of threats irrespective or origin and devises mechanisms to combat these issues."
| |
|
Globalization and the Middle East: Iran, 2007.
A discussion of the Iranian response to globalization.
1,745 words (approx. 7.0 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 56.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper argues that modern-day Iran is behaving in response to long-held grievances with western powers (like the United States and Great Britain) and because the globalization and integrated world that the West champions (most conspicuously the United States) is perceived as a direct threat to Iran's status as a theocracy, and a direct threat to the austere, non-consumerist tenets of traditional Islam. The paper explains that globalization threatens the very fabric of present Iranian society and the country's leaders therefore want to combat it and those they feel embody values inimical to their own interests. The paper also looks at what it is that has prompted the Middle Eastern land's angry denunciations of Israel, its stubborn adherence to a nuclear development program that is condemned by many in the western world, and its frequently negative characterizations of the United States. The paper concludes that one of the most compelling reasons for Iran's 'odd' actions is that globalization brings with it many threats to Iran and to its leadership; it is also a reminder, surely, of the western imperialism which impressed itself upon Iran in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
From the Paper
"To begin with, Iran is a nation that is comparatively insular and one which is dominated by a religion that frowns upon the "decadent," consumption-driven and even hedonistic lifestyle of the west. It is also, if its sometimes hysterical rhetoric and habitual defensiveness about what it is doing and why it is doing it are any indication, a nation that is deeply insecure - or, at the very least, its leaders are very insecure. More than that, Iran is a nation which has long bristled at the projection of western power via globalization and changing technologies and this has pushed it to the forefront of Middle Eastern nations committed to turning back that projection anyway they can."
| |
|
The Influence of Civic Engagement on Arms Control, 2008.
A discussion of the effectiveness of civic engagement in influencing global public policy on nuclear arms control.
4,030 words (approx. 16.1 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 109.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper states that its research on the issue of civic engagement in global public policy confirms that citizens and peace activists all over the world have organized transnational networks in order to influence arms control policies and bring about change. Their efforts have produced mixed results, from remarkable success to complete failure. Ultimately, their influence on arms control policy depends upon their ability to generate public support for arms reductions, for public support translates into political pressure on government policymakers. The paper brings historical examples from the Cold War to illustrate this, such as the Cuban missile crisis, the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty with the Soviet Union, the Salt I Treaty, the Strategic Defense Initiative, and the START treaty. The paper concludes by stating that arms and militarism have been an inseparable part of every major empire or culture throughout human history and that this is a dilemma peace activists may not be able to resolve. The paper includes an annotated bibliography.
From the Paper
"Civic engagement on arms control policy emerged in the aftermath of the Second World War in response to the development and deployment of nuclear weapons by the United States and the Soviet Union. After the fall of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan in 1945, the United States and the Soviet Union amassed huge arsenals of atomic bombs, intercontinental ballistic missiles, strategic jet bombers, and ballistic missile submarines, and it seemed that conventional battles fought by massed armies of tanks and infantry would never occur again. The general consensus among government officials and the public as well was that possession of nuclear weapons was the new measure of any nation's military power."
| |
|
Nuclear Proliferation: India and Pakistan, 2008.
This paper explores the nuclear weaponry proliferation in India and Pakistan.
3,031 words (approx. 12.1 pages), 13 sources, MLA, $ 89.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The paper examines the nuclear weaponry proliferation from a "collective goods" perspective and explores the many reasons why a nuclear arms race between India and Pakistan will not lead to a stable balance of power in the region. The paper discusses international terrorism, sectarian and ethnic hatreds, deep-seated paranoia and the fact that Pakistan is overly-reliant upon its nuclear weaponry for its defense. The paper therefore argues that India and Pakistan should be discouraged from their present nuclear build-ups.
From the Paper
"To start with, "collective goods" is really a term drawn from economics - albeit it is one that can be applied to a number of different disciplines depending upon the context within which it is being introduced. For our purposes, "collective goods" are really public goods wherein the item in question cannot be withheld from one consumer without also withholding it from all consumers. A classic example of this is national defense whereby a nation cannot defend its borders without also defending all individuals who reside within those borders at any one time - including foreigners or "undesirables". Additionally, the "flip-side" of collective goods is that, not only are they items which cannot practicably be denied to any one person, but they are also items which benefit those who simply refuse to pay for them; suffice it to say, the collective good makes "free-riders" out of many people (Yamagishi & Sato, 67-69). This concept has immediate application to the issue of nuclear proliferation in India and Pakistan."
| |
|
Just War Theory, 2008.
A discussion of just war theory as delineated by two main authors on the subject, Michael Walzer and Brian Orend.
1,650 words (approx. 6.6 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 53.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper provides a basic outline of just war theory, drawing from Michael Walzer's book "Just and Unjust Wars" and Brian Orend's book "The Morality of War". Just war theory is used to determine whether or not a war is indeed justifiable. In simplest terms, a war is just if one country imposes moral and physical aggression on another country. The paper uses this theory to examine particular examples from contemporary history, such as the Vietnam War, the Korean War, and the war on Iraq and terrorism. In conclusion, the paper maintains that determining whether a war is just or unjust remains complex and controversial.
From the Paper
"Just war theory begins with a theory of aggression and a consideration of the limits of aggression. Such an approach is not surprising to most people today as it might have been in the past. After the War in Vietnam, the issue of the just war has been much argued as political leaders and the press consider every potential military action and whether or not it can be justified as an ethical and moral decision. War as a defensive measure is more clearly an ethical action, for instance, while any sort of pre-emptive war has to be justified. The current war in Iraq was justified by the Bush administration as a pre-emptive act to defend against purported nuclear weapons (or weapons of mass destruction, as they were called), and such a defensive act would make this a just war. The fact that no such weapons were found after the fact raised numerous questions about the justness of the war, questions which the administration continues to gloss over while trying to justify the war on the basis of crimes committed by Saddam Hussein, or because of supposed terrorist ties, or for whatever reason works best. Orend would not accept such shifting territory as a real justification, and certainly Michael Walzer, the best known theorist on the subject, also would not."
| |
|
Europe and China Trade Markets, 2008.
This paper discuses the comparative advantage theory and applies it to trade between Europe and China.
2,800 words (approx. 11.2 pages), 21 sources, MLA, $ 83.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper explains that China's emergence as both an economic and political force has presented opportunities for Europe to develop or expand its business and trade relationships with China. The author points out that the comparative advantage theory dictates that, if a country can produce an item at a lower relative cost than another country, then it has a comparative advantage for that particular product. The paper suggests that Europe has a strong comparative advantage in technology and infrastructure compared to the Chinese market; whereas, China's comparable advantage over any developed economy is production efficiencies based on its vast pool of low cost labor. The paper states that China has taken full advantage of the benefits of globalization by developing the technology channels to handle the communication and transaction of international commerce and the physical infrastructure for the transportation and logistics of goods and services through a supply chain channel.
Table of Contents:
Europe and China at the Crossroads
Overview
Comparative Advantage Theory
Overview
Europe's Market Advantages
China's Market Advantages
Foreign Exchange Dimension
China's Currency Issues
Europe's Currency Concerns
The Economic and Geo-Political Environment
Overview
Off-Shoring/Out-Sourcing
Currency Blocks
Production Possibilities Frontier
Foreign Direct Investment
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Trade is of great concern to the EU and one of the major drivers in establishing a centralized body within which to set policy and coordinate trade agreements. Prior to the Maastricht Treaty that established the EU as a formalized body, the individual member states were seemingly caught up in endless internecine trade disputes with each other that precluded any sort of effective international trade policy to deal with an increasingly global economy. However, over the last several years, the EU has been much more effective at handling trade disputes between member states."
| |
|
China-Africa Relations, 2008.
This paper examines three online news articles from the Chinese Peoples Daily; "Chinese President Ends Visit to Zambia," "China, Zambia Vow to Strengthen Cooperation" and "Roundup: China-Zambia Ties Cemented Through Assistance, Investment".
894 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 31.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The paper reviews three online news articles which illustrate the growing prominence of China in the world as well as its increasingly expansive foreign policy. The paper suggests that China is following very much in the path of the former Soviet Union and notes that African nations like Zambia have made a conscious choice to become allies of the Asian superpower.
From the Paper
"Over the last few decades, China has emerged as a legitimate world power; indeed, China today may be on the verge of becoming the one nation capable of challenging American global supremacy. The confidence that comes with this realization has gradually changed how the Chinese do business with the rest of the world - and the enthusiasm with which they reach out to the rest of the world. Although often overlooked, China's growing relationship with Africa reveals a country that is beginning to see a more expansive role for itself on the international stage - and Chinese dailies like the People's Daily are well aware of this, judging from the attention granted to a recent visit to the African nation of Zambia by President Hu Jintao."
| |
|
The International Future, 2008.
A discussion of four potential scenarios for the international future of the world, with a focus on China and India.
1,467 words (approx. 5.9 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 48.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper looks at four scenarios - the rise to power of China and India, the persistence of American hyper-power status, the rise of an Islamic Caliphate, and a "cycle of fear" scenario wherein the world becomes noticeably Orwellian and where intrusive security measures are the norm. The paper discusses which one of the four scenarios is most likely to materialize and why and then examines the theoretical assumptions upon which the aforementioned prediction is predicated. The paper concludes that the world of tomorrow promises to be one dominated by the Asian superpowers of China and especially, India.
From the Paper
"The trends and the implicit/explicit theoretical assumptions guiding this writer to the conclusion that the rise of India and China to pre-eminence is the most likely of all the four scenarios outlined above are numerous but easily explained. Most of all, demographic trends are key. This writer operates under the assumption that the country with the greatest latent human resources will eventually win - even if it initially trails a competitor. Clearly, both nations have this advantage to the fullest. Working especially in India's favor is the fact that this nation has not embarked upon a ruinous "one-child" program as has China; consequently, India's population will not age (is not now aging) as rapidly as China's. Therefore, India will cut into whatever human resources advantage China has by virtue of having a relatively younger and thus more industrious population."
| |
|
The Cold War in America, 2008.
A look at the part played by America in the Cold War.
1,534 words (approx. 6.1 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 50.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper looks at the early stages of Cold War America by discussing what image America had of itself just prior to and in the opening act of, the Cold War, as well as why the alliance between the U.S.S.R and the United States collapsed by the end of the 1940s. Further, the paper attempts to explain why the perceptions of the U.S.S.R and the strategy proposals outlined in NSC-68 became linchpins of U.S. foreign policy for the better part of two generations - from 1950 until the U.S.S.R's collapse in the early 1990s. In the end, the final conclusion of the paper is that United States' actions were indeed motivated by (possibly) chauvinistic ambition - but that U.S. fears about the Soviet Union were well-founded in the main.
From the Paper
"The vision of the postwar WWII world offered by journalists and by geo-political observers fundamentally revolved around many things - the expansion and/or projection of American power being one of them. In an interesting essay published in Time magazine in February of 1941, Henry R. Luce argued that America should seek to use its power to serve the Earth as a "Good Samaritan" spreading (American) democracy all around the Globe. In other words, Luce put forward the argument that America should unify the planet under its benevolent leadership in much the same way as it had previously unified much of the North American continent and its various peoples (both Western European and non-Western European) under one flag."
| |
|
The CIA and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 2008.
The paper explores the role of American intelligence in the Cuban Missile Crisis.
1,894 words (approx. 7.6 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 60.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The paper discusses the CIA's failings in investigating the build-up of Soviet missiles in Cuba and President John F. Kennedy's skepticism towards anything coming from the CIA. The paper explains how the intelligence community's failure at the Bay of Pigs made Kennedy less than receptive to any information he received from them. The paper concludes that had Kennedy been more receptive, the Cuban Missile Crisis could have been headed off months earlier.
From the Paper
"In an article that was published less than three years after the Cuban Missile Crisis of October, 1962, Roberta Wohlstetter comments at length upon the role that intelligence played in the international incident. Specifically, she floats the idea that the U.S. intelligence establishment knew about the missiles long before they chose to act on them. For example, she mentions U.S. Senator Kenneth Barnard Keating and how he asserted in August of 1962 that he had reliable evidence of "cylindrical objects" being transported by flatbed in Cuba, as well as evidence of Soviet motor convoys. Still, despite Senator Keating's public proclamations, the dramatic (and conspicuous) arms build-up in the fall of 1962 seemed to catch U.S. leaders - both military and civilian - by surprise when it became evident that some sort of decisive action was needed."
| |
|
"Growing Up Palestinian", 2008.
This paper critically reviews Laetitia Bucaille's book "Growing Up Palestinian", which focuses on the complexity of social change among the Palestinian population.
1,115 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 38.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The paper critically analyzes Bucaille's text "Growing Up Palestinian", which explores the social fault lines within Palestinian society. Using Bucaille's book as a basis, the paper argues that these fault lines have not only been exacerbated but, to a great extent, created by the instrumentality of the Israeli occupation; a process that has been reinforced by the inadequacies of the emerging Palestinian governance since the 1990s. The paper shows how these fault lines have not only fragmented Palestinian society, but critically weakened it in the face of a range of challenges over the past decade.
From the Paper
"In her book Growing Up Palestinian, French journalist and academic Laetitia Bucaille describes the impact of the Israeli Occupation, the two Intifadas, and the emerging Palestinian governance structures in the 1990s upon a generation of young Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. Given the nature of her subject, this text cannot truly be considered a general analysis of Palestinian society as a whole. For example, one significant gap in her text is its lack of direct treatment of young Islamists and members of Hamas; an increasingly influential portion of the Palestinian population. This being said, even with the text's focus upon more secular young Palestinians we can understand the complexity of social change among the Palestinian population over the past two decades."
| |
|
Economic Globalization, 2008.
An analysis of the effects of economic globalization on the environment and on future generations of humans.
2,179 words (approx. 8.7 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 67.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper analyzes to what extent consideration of future generations of humans or the current well-being of other species should be a factor in governing our behaviors towards the environment. It looks at the effect of economic globalization on the environment. It then argues that those in the Global North should not be pursuing luxury and excess at the expense of other species on the planet and at the expense of future generations of humans.
From the Paper
"In truth, it is becoming daily more difficult to ignore the realities - such as the key fact that the TNCs are engaged in what one expert calls a "terminal grand buffet" - that is, that they are literally eating up the finite resources of our planet (Broswimmer 91). As Broswimmer warns, TNCs in particular, and globalized capitalism in general, have "brought our planet to the brink of social and ecological collapse" (Broswimmer 86). This grim reality makes it incumbent upon us to allow consideration of future generations of humans, and the current well-being of other species, to be a major factor in governing our behaviours towards the environment. While we can make a moral and philosophical argument for this (and have attempted to do so above), the most compelling reason is simply that we have no choice. Our current way of life is unsustainable, and we are now in a position where the fine balance of the Earth could collapse at any minute."
| |
|
The Foreign Policy of France, 2008.
An analysis of French foreign policy over the past ten years and a projection of likely French foreign policy positions in the coming five years.
1,828 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 58.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper is written from the perspective of a senior analyst in the National Interests and Foreign Policies Group. It provides a foreign policy analysis and evaluation which focuses on French foreign policy over the past ten years. It also provides a projection of likely French foreign policy positions in the coming five years. The paper examines the attitudes of other member countries and international organizations towards French foreign policy.
From the Paper
"Because of deteriorating relations between the United States and Muslim governments throughout the Middle East, France and other European powers such as Germany and Russia are recognizing that they must demonstrate leadership in the international community and make every effort to pursue diplomatic solutions. According to my analysis, Democratic control of the U. S. Congress, and recent calls by American leaders for a diplomacy and political solutions are providing France with an opportunity to take the initiative and play a leading international role in brokering peace agreements between Israel and the Palestinians, and some form of ceasefire in Iraq."
|
|
|
