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European International Trade Environment, 2005.
Paper discusses the European trade environment as a result of the expanded European Union.
1,493 words (approx. 6.0 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 49.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the impact of the European Union on the trade practices and commerce of the member nations. The paper compares the hurdles facing new members and then looks at the impact that entering into this organization has on a country.
From the Paper
"With the onset of the new millennium there is a new greater focus on creating synergies amongst nations that used to be operating in a self-sufficient manner. These countries are facing the facts that in order to continue to create value and wealth, they must explore revenue streams outside their borders. In doing this, they are looking to distant countries that can create environments for growth possibilities. These countries represent areas that need products and services in which the suppliers are abundant. This allows each country to have a greater degree of specialization than ever thought."
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Slobodan Milosevic"s War Crimes Trial, 2004.
A look at Slobodan Milosevic's trial at the Hague and how this trial will change the way the world views and undertakes trials of war criminals.
4,304 words (approx. 17.2 pages), 39 sources, MLA, $ 113.95
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Abstract
The first former head-of-state to be tried for war crimes, Slobodan Milosevic, was a powerful leader in Yugoslavia. He is currently being tried at the Hague as a war criminal. This paper questions how war crimes trials worked in the past and how they will work in the future. The writer points out that by looking at the Milosevic case gives insight into the future of war crimes trials.
I. Introduction
II. Review of the Literature: Questions Surrounding War Crimes Trials
III. The Case of Slobodan Milosevic
IV. Revisiting the War Crimes Trials Questions
V. Implications for the Future
VI. Conclusion
VII. Bibliography
From the Paper
"With the current trial of Slobodan Milosevic taking place at the Hague, war crimes trials have gained renewed interest. War crimes trials of the past look much different than those of today and likely those of the future. Looking at the Milosevic case, predictions can be made regarding the future of war crimes trials and how former heads of state may be tried. As the first former head of state to be tried for war crimes before an international tribunal, Milosevic?s actions and the outcome of the case will set a precedent for all future war crimes trials."
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The Kosovo Conflict, 2004.
Examines the Kosovo conflict and how the United States is and has been involved.
6,860 words (approx. 27.4 pages), 24 sources, MLA, $ 155.95
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Abstract
This essay concentrates on the U.S. involvement in the Kosovo crisis, especially in the aftermath. The focus lies in the new elections, the position of Congress and the President, and the situation between the U.S. and the European Union and NATO in this matter.
1. Introduction
2. Brief Summary of Events
3. Current Developments
4. Momentary Situation in Kosovo
a. Local Elections
b. Problems overshadowing the Elections
5. The Issue of Kosovo's Final Status
6. The International Administrations
a. UNMIK
b. KFOR
7. Institution-building
8. The Economy
9. The Policy of the United States
a. The Administration
b. The United States Congress
10. Conclusion
Works Cited
From the Paper
"The Kosovo Conflict has been an issue for the International Community for more than five years. The European Union, the United Nations and the United States have worked hard together to end the conflict, manage the aftermath and establish a new functioning and democratic government with a stable infrastructure. This has been a very difficult task, since the United States felt that Europe did not put enough effort into the reconstruction of Kosovo and 'wrong calls' have been made . This research paper will not deal with the issue of equal distribution of efforts between Europe and the United States, rather will it examine the developments since the end of the conflict and the United States involvement. The main question here is whether Kosovo should become an independent country or have some form of autonomy within Serbia. Further will be examined, if the efforts are successful and whether or not the United States should pursue these efforts. This will occur through an evaluation of the current development and the momentary situation in Kosovo, such as elections and the establishment of government branches. Also, a look will be taken at KFOR and UNMIK operations and their susses on the infrastructure and the economy. Last, but not least, will the policy of the United States be examined, more precisely of the Administrations and Congress. This examination of events will demonstrate the involvement of the United States and its effects. 2. Brief Summary of Events The Kosovo Conflict shocked the whole word. Pictures of violence, genocide and ethnic atrocities circled the globe. Between the years 1998 and 1999, the United States and its NATO allies attempted to put an end to escalating violence between ethnic Albanians guerrillas and Yugoslav / Serb forces in Yugoslavia's Kosovo Region. This resulted in a 78-day NATO bombing campaign against Serbia from March to June of 1999. Nevertheless with success, Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic withdrew his forces from the province in June of 1999. Since that time, the Kosovo has been governed by a U.N. Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), under the terms of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 . A NATO-lead peacekeeping force, KFOR, is charged with providing a secure environment. The purpose of the U.N. resolution is to consider Kosovo's final status at an undetermined time after an autonomous government is in place. It seems that almost all ethnic Albanians want independence for Kosovo; nevertheless, the Serb community want it to remain within Serbia. In late 2003, the international community agreed to review progress in Kosovo and consider next steps in determining Kosovo's future status by mid 2005. In May of 2001, UNMIK issued a 'Constitutional Framework' for Kosovo. This framework provides for an elected legislature and an autonomous government with limited powers, but does not deal with Kosovo's final status. Elections for the Kosovo assembly were held on November 17, 2001. About half of eligible Serb voters participated in the election, after being urged to do so by the Yugoslav and Serbian governments. Political wrangling delayed the formation of a government for months, but one was finally approved by the parliament in March 2002. It consists of members of the three leading ethnic Albanian parties, as well as a Serb minister and one from the Serb minority. In 2003, UNMIK completed the process of transferring designated powers to the Kosovo provisional government. The current Bush Administration stated that they support autonomy for Kosovo within Serbia or the Serb-Montenegro union, but do not think independence is a good idea. President Bush has stated that, while the United States is looking to reduce its forces in the Balkans, the United States would only do so in conjunction with its NATO allies. After the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States, Administration officials said that U.S. forces in the Balkans could be withdrawn if they were needed for the war on terrorism. The war in Iraq has also stretched the U.S. military's deployment capabilities. The United States has not unilaterally withdrawn its troops, but cuts in KFOR troops strength in the past year have halved U.S. troops levels from about 5,500 to about 2,000 today. In 1999, The United States Congress neither explicitly approved not blocked U.S. participation in NATO air strikes against Serbia, but appropriated funds for the air campaign and the U.S. peacekeeping deployment in Kosovo. In 2000, several Members unsuccessfully attempted to condition the U.S: military deployment in Kosovo on congressional approval and on the implementation of aid pledges made by European countries. Since 1999, Congress has provided funding for reconstruction in Kosovo, but limited U.S. aid to 15% of the total amount pledged by all countries. In 2003 several resolutions were introduced that supported independence for Kosovo."
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Church and Soviet Union, 2001.
A discussion of the persecution of the church within the Soviet Union from 1945-1988.
2,228 words (approx. 8.9 pages), 11 sources, MLA, $ 69.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that legal and social discrimination against Christianity and individual Christians was the norm at all levels of society in Russia from 1945-1988. The activity of the KGB and government agents was a key factor during this time and this encapsules their view. The writer looks at the discrimination felt against both Orhtodox and Baptist groups and how the church that did not want to controlled by the state went underground and developed many clandestine activities including publishing activity that alerted the west as to events.
From the Paper
The period prior to the Second World War was a time of great suffering "for the Christians inside the Soviet Union but in the post -war years leading up to Glasnost their was still a tragedy being played out. The Kruschev era brought the beginnings of a new persecution and an attempted destruction of the churches and even after these harsh years there was still much persecution until Gorbachev's reforms. During this time the hierarchies of both the Russian Orthodox Church and the official Baptist body seemed to compromise with the State, whilst others, particularly those not belonging to a registered church protested and stood their ground and often suffered the consequences. Due to the comparative size of the Orthodox Church I will focus on it with some reference to others, particularly Baptists."
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Constructivism and Suprematism in Soviet Art, 2004.
This paper discusses two new art movements established as part of the new communist state in the first two decades of the 20th century in Russia, Constructivism and Suprematism.
1,430 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
This paper explains the Constructivism movement, which relied on geometric shapes and was almost mathematical, and the Suprematism movement, in which art, before all else, is spiritual. Suprematism carried much more symbolism than the Constructivist artwork, which emphasized function. The author describes the work of Alexander Rodchenko, Vladimir Tatlin, El Lissitzky, and Casimir Malevich. The paper summarizes that, despite the fact that political changes during the mid-1900s brought these abstract art movements almost to an end, the impact of these artists on Russia, Eastern Europe, and the West continues to this day. Illustrations.
From the Paper
"Rodchenko asserted that the concept of composition was a relic, because it was mere aesthetics and related to taste and other out-of-date artistic concepts. Instead, he said, composition had to be replaced by principles of construction and organization. ?All new approaches to art arise from technology and engineering and move towards organization and construction.? Construction represented the height of hundreds of years of artistic creation. It was part of the same process that led to Communist Russia. Rodchenko also stressed that a utilitarian element was present in the idea of organization and construction. The artist?s goal was not to create a work of art but rather a utilitarian product and solving technological problems. Such statements polarized the Constructivists and those who were strongly aligned with aesthetic concerns."
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Ethnic Divisiveness in the New Nations of Eastern Europe, 2001.
A review of the challenges facing the new nations of Eastern Europe.
2,012 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the cultural, political, and social divisiveness that have resulted from a paucity of central governmental services in some of the new nations in Eastern Europe and provides an analysis of the causes for the violent confrontations that have taken place in the recent past.
From the Paper
"The breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in a number of newly independent nations, whose borders were frequently based on old geopolitical lines without regard for the ethnically based demographics involved. Without a central government in place in many of these regions of Eastern Europe, basic public services have failed, economies have faltered or collapsed and wars have broken out between ethnic factions within these countries."
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Prague Spring ?68, 2004.
An analysis of the causes behind the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia.
2,216 words (approx. 8.9 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 68.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how the Soviet intervention of Czechoslovakia was a violation of rules shaping international relations. It looks at how the Russians had to invade, due to their geopolitical position within Europe and on account of a "counterrevolutionary" situation in Czechoslovakia. It argues that socialist countries cannot be indifferent to the erosion of one of the links in the world system of socialism and how alterations in one state immediately influences all. It also discusses how, in order to keep the balance of forces against NATO, the Soviets sustained that three USSR's nuclear weapons sites in Czechoslovakia were crucial. However, Czechoslovakia refused Soviet troops on its soil and the political and social unrest of Prague Spring disorganized the rigorous security system that was required.
From the Paper
"Dubcek?s liberalization of Czechoslovakia's socialist system alarmed Brezhnev and other Soviet leaders into reasoning that ?revolutionary? elements in other Soviet-bloc nations would ensue the Prague Spring?s pattern and shift away from their own form of socialism. The Soviets were also concerned that elements in their own country would emanate and oppose the Communist Party should they let the Czechoslovakian undertaking proceed. The modest liberalization was not limited to Prague. Soviet cinema and literature began to inspire "critical analysis of the system,'' Underground publications cropped up from Moscow to Berlin (Kundera). The KGB perceived the Prague Spring to be a threat to the external and internal security of the Soviet Union. Deliberations in Czechoslovakia about the past violations of the StB intensified apprehension that comparable debates would inevitably take place in Moscow about the Soviet security organs (Skoug 48)."
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Inter-Ethnic Coexistence in the Ukraine, 2004.
An exploration of the ethnic basis of population and political parties in Eastern Ukraine, particularly the Donbass Basin.
2,292 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 70.95
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Abstract
This paper examines issues of inter-ethnic coexistence in the Ukraine and in particular the Donbass Basin by illustrating that history matters in terms of ethnic composition and political preferences. It attempts to reconstruct the historical picture of the major ethnic groups living in Donbass in order to examine what social, political and cultural experiences they have gained during the centuries of their habitation in the area of modern Ukraine. It looks at the process through which the ethnic make-up of the area was determined, focusing on the delineation of particular groups? histories and traces the evolution of the minority issue under Soviet rule, as a factor that influenced the levels of their self-assertiveness which obviously matters under the new political conditions. It also analyzes major questions of inter-ethnic co-existence and cultural autonomy, on the level of state politics and mass public perception.
From the Paper
"When looking at the development of any young independent states, among the matters of special concern is the problem of the relationship between integration processes and the in-depth development of particular ethnic groups and regions. In staking out its claim of sovereignty and at the same time insisting on getting its own way, the multi-ethnic national state places itself in an embarrassing realm of double standards and therefore often becomes susceptible to quite a distressing level of internal torment. And yet some of the governments in question endeavor to implement liberal approaches, founded on the principle of preserving a balance between the prerogatives of the state and the priorities of the regions; and between the Nation?s codes and the interests of the various ethnic groups in the population."
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Civil Society and NGOs in Russia, 2004.
A discussion on how non-governmental organisations represent the essence of civil society in Russia.
17,787 words (approx. 71.1 pages), 44 sources, MLA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
This paper aims to assess the concept of civil society through the system of public organisations which are believed to be the essence of civil society. It provides a short overview of existing theoretical trends in terms of relation of civil society with state and economy. It also looks at the theoretical school that presents civil society as a sphere of social interactions between the state and economy and how it is found to be the most acute and reflecting the true relations between society structures.
Outline
Content
Abstract
Introduction
Part I. Theoretical Background
A Historical Overview of the Concept of Civil Society
The Reasons For Civil Society?s Existence
The Middle Class in Russia
Economic Conditions
Private Interests
Part II. From Civil Society to NGOs
Civil Society is Vital for a Sustainable Democracy?
Society Structure
The Essence of the Third Sector. Main Definitions
Distinctive Features of the Third Sector in Russia
Classifications of the Third Sector Organisations
Ngo Reality In Russia
Empirical Studies of the Third Sector
General Representation and Possible Tendencies
Conclusions
Bibliography
From the Paper
"Since the beginning of the transformation in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, as well as in the former USSR, the new wave of attention arose in regards to the issue of civil society, its necessity for the building democracies and making society and the regime stronger. Today, an endless number of books are devoted to the problem of the concept of civil society, its history, the way it influences the democratic transformations and making democracies sustainable. Also attempts to define the term and find a proper and perfect place for it in the society system are made. In this paper, I will not try to write another textbook or go into deep criticism of selected works on civil society. Only a brief overview of the theories is necessary to present as a background, or the first ?basement? level of the work."
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Ukrainian Political Culture, 2004.
An exploration into Ukrainian political culture during the process of political and economic transformation.
16,137 words (approx. 64.5 pages), 64 sources, MLA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
This paper analyses public opinion of the Ukrainians towards political and economic changes in Ukraine during the first decade of transformation (1991-1999). The paper assumes that the economic crisis is a serious precondition for the emergence of anti-democratic attitudes in Ukraine. It reveals that there are serious problems with democratisation in Ukraine and how the general economic, political and social disorientation helped the elites to implement ?partial reforms? only, which were beneficial for their private gains. It also looks at how the low level of people?s political participation, undeveloped civil society and general mass ignorance paralysed society, prevented the population from playing an active economic and political role, despite of high protest potential.
Outline
Abstract
Introduction
Chapter 1
Theoretical framework
Comparative Perspectives on Democratic Transformation
Democratic and Economic Regimes Under Postcommunism
?Quadruple Transformation?: Four Attempts to Break with the Past
The People
The Elites
Chapter 2 The Winners of the First Decade
Dynamics of the Economy
The Attempts for Democratisation
Chapter 3 Public Attitudes Towards Transformation
Attitudes Towards Economic Changes
Attitudes Towards Political Changes
Attitude Toward Mass Media, Level of Knowledge and National Culture
Democratisation in the Times of the ?Crisis Mentality?
Conclusions
Bibliography
Appendices
From the Paper
"When the countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union proclaimed the revolutionary programs of democratic and market development, they had ambitions to repeat the successful Western models of development. As some scholars admit (Ray, 1995), these programs were not original because they were designed to rectify a distance with the highly developed West, where a tandem of democracy and market economy already proved the successful results. However, the first decade of the transformation revealed many problems. The outcomes of the beginning of the transformation were problematic in the economic sphere: the mix of economic hardships, deterioration of the standards of life, the weak role of the state in establishment of the proper regulatory base for the market economy."
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Polish Labour Migration, 2004.
An examination of the employment possibilities for Polish migrants in the West European labour markets.
14,165 words (approx. 56.7 pages), 35 sources, MLA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at how international labour migration from Poland to Western Europe has proved to be an effective strategy in overcoming some of the multiple problems of transformation after the communist system collapsed. It argues that Poles generally have access only to the secondary sector of labour economy. It also examines how bilateral intergovernmental agreements, official statistical data and survey results suggest that the labour flows to the primary labour markets are limited due to the structural constraints of European economies as well as migration policies and regulations of receiving societies.
Outline
Abstract
Introduction
Chapter 1 Theoretical Framework
Segmented Labour Market Theory of International Migration
Some Empirical Applications of Segmented Labour Market Theory
Chapter 2 Historical Roots Of Migration From Poland
Basic Migration Features Before the Communist Period (Up To 1945)
Basic Migration Features During the Communist Regime (1945-1979)Liberalization of the 1980s
Changes Caused by the Transition Period. Migrations After the 1990s
Chapter 3 Analysis of Polish Access to the Economic Sectors of the Western European Labour Markets
Structure of the Analysis and Methodological Considerations
Migration Policy
Bilateral Agreements on Foreign Employment of Poles
Seasonal Work in Germany
Project-Tied Employment by Polish Companies in Germany
Polish Labour Presence In Other Countries Of Western Europe (Employment In Western Europe Beyond the Framework of Bilateral Agreements)
Push Factors Responsible For Current Migration Flows-Migrants Characteristics
Summary of the Results
Conclusions
Bibliography
From the Paper
"The complexity and diversification of international migration has resulted in the fact that there is no single theory or model which would be able to explain the phenomenon of migration satisfactorily and to capture dynamics of the process and conditions related to its various phases. However, different models were adopted in the attempt to reveal and predict various specific aspects associated with it. Among the most important theories which aim to explain causes of international migration, its development, and why it tends to sustain, are the neo-classical economics, the new economics of migration, segmented labour market theory, world system theory, social capital theory, and cumulative causation. The latter models accentuate different aspects of this phenomenon."
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The Shuttle Economy Phenomenon, 2004.
An overview of the growing shuttle trade in Eastern Europe.
2,012 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how for thriving capitalist economies with large commercial spaces for retail, the shuttle trade - buying goods abroad on tourist trips to bring back and sell at kiosks or open air markets - seems like an absurd phenomenon. It looks at how for so-called transition economies, shuttling has become a means of survival for workers who cannot find employment and for consumers who cannot afford to buy goods at conventional retail markets. It shows how although the shuttle business has been declining in the last few years, a majority of consumers in Russia and other CIS countries still buy goods at kiosks, open-air markets, informal stores on the ground floors of apartment blocks, or street vendors because prices are much cheaper than in the newer supermarkets.
From the Paper
"The origins and enormous scale of the shuttle trade in ?transition? countries can only be understood against the background of the trade environment during the communist period. The exchange and trading system within communist countries was an extension of the state planning system. It was conducted through an annual foreign exchange plan and only a handful of trading agencies were licensed to engage in external trade. The retail trade industry was very small compared to capitalist economies and as a consequence it was inadequately developed to handle the flow of commodities - even in a centrally planned economy."
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Serbia on the Brink of War, 2004.
An analysis of Serbian domestic conditions and policies on the brink of war in 1914.
4,500 words (approx. 18.0 pages), 12 sources, MLA, $ 117.95
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Abstract
The paper is an investigation of the domestic, political conditions that led to the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and the ensuing crises. It frames the events of that day in the context of Serb domestic politics. Intro includes note on sources, background and Pan-Serbism historical context, nationalism, Balkan wars, previous coups and assassinations, and previous crises in the region. It also provides a brief history of terrorism, militant groups, and militias in Serbia.
From the Paper
"Is it possible that history consists primarily of chaos and chance? When theories of dialectic historicism fail us, or when studies of the ?great men? leave gaps, are we not left with dumb luck alone? Where would we be today if the Archduke of Austria-Hungary had taken another road? Would ten million have died if Gavrilo Princip had panicked at his chance to take the life of the heir to the Hapsburg throne? It seems impossibly fascinating to think that sheer coincidence tipped off the spiraling of Europe into the godforsaken trenches for more than half a decade. Unfortunately, as seductive as this what-if history may seem, there were actually some concrete factors at play on the fateful day in June of 1914. The Serbs had seen a rising patriotism across their society since the Balkan Wars. The government had no control over its own security forces, which developed into a state within a state. The militias popping up all over the Balkans were beyond of the control of authorities. Had Princip failed, it is not inconceivable that another disillusioned young radical would have eventually crossed a line somewhere and set things into motion. The conditions in Serbia at the time made it possible, with the atmosphere of rising nationalism, a growing militant movement uncontrollable by civil authorities, and an expanding and dangerous unaccountability on the part of certain elements of the Serb security forces. It was these domestic conditions, born out of history and contemporary conditions, which set the stage for the tragic murders of Sarajevo."
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Perestroika and East Germany, 2004.
An examination of the effects of reforms in Russian on East Germany.
2,751 words (approx. 11.0 pages), 8 sources, APA, $ 82.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how East and West Germany were two very different places for people coming from the same ethnic background. The Cold War created two different societies. It explains how, when Gorbachev came along, he attempted to reform the USSR and provide ?New Thinking? that would give the crumbling regime a new lease on life. The policies were very slow to take hold, but when they did, events moved at a dizzying pace. It discusses how Perestroika and Glasnost effectively gave the East German people the ability to rise up against their Communist leaders and end the Cold War.
From the Paper
"When Gorbachev took control of the Soviet Union on March 11, 1985, he inherited an institution filled with corruption and cynicism. The Soviet Union?s industrial equipment and transportation was obsolete and the rate of economic growth had declined. For a global super power, the living conditions were deplorable. Employees were often drunk or neglected to show up for work, which resulted in low productivity, and lower quality consumer goods. Consumer goods were as well, in very short supply. With the Soviets computer technology lacking in comparison to that of the Americans, it seemed as though the USSR was loosing its grip as a global superpower."
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Problems in Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations", 2003.
Discusses flaws in Samuel Huntington's controversial theory on the source of the Cold War.
2,275 words (approx. 9.1 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 70.95
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Abstract
In 1993, Harvard professor Samuel Huntington changed the face of international relations when he published ?The Clash of Civilizations?? in "'Foreign Affairs" magazine. Huntington?s controversial article later evolved into a book in 1996, entitled ?The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order.? The provocative thesis of the article was that the fundamental source of conflict in the post-Cold War world would be cultural clashes, not ideological disagreements or economic competitions. This paper is a critical argument against Huntington's theory. The paper argues that his labels of civilizations are weak and that there is, in fact, no Sino-Islamic alliance, a main part of his "clash of civilizations" theory.
From the Paper
"Clearly the history of Russia is one that looks westward culturally and politically. The Russian Orthodox Church is closer to the Catholic Church than the Catholics are to the American Evangelicals. The cultural expressions of Russia, the literature and music, are viewed as comparison points for western culture (westerners put Tolstoy and Chekhov in their frame of cultural reference, but not Tao Qian or Basho) Even Leninism, the defining ideology of the Russian 20th Century, has its roots in two Germans. Russia became, in the Cold War, a part of a newfound ?east/west? delineation that was utilized primarily because it made geographical sense in Europe."
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The European Union (EU) and Western Europe, 2004.
This paper discusses that history of the European Union and its effect on the region and its member states.
2,750 words (approx. 11.0 pages), 8 sources, APA, $ 82.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the concept, which years later became the EU, began in 1948 as the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), whose job it was to advance the rebuilding of war-torn Europe and to help distribute American financial aid (Marshall Aid) for Western Europe. The author points out that, while the overall trend is toward greater regionalization in Europe, there is a great deal of variation among countries, with the smaller countries such as Finland, Ireland, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark demonstrating little change. The paper concludes that all European countries need a more decentralized system that promotes effective and efficient public service, increased transparency, and accountability.
From the Paper
"Basically, Belgium?s commitment to the process of unification after the war has placed it in its current position of power (International Herald Tribune, 2003). At the heart of Europe since the 1950?s, Belgium has embraced most core EU polices, from the creation of a single currency to the abolition of passport controls within the Schengen zone (Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain). A stable democracy with a decentralized government, Belgium has low inflation and slow but steady economic growth, forecast to reach 1.8 percent in 2004. The country has grown over the past three decades into a decentralized state, whose power rests with the three regional governments: Flanders in the north, Wallonia in the south and Brussels as an autonomous region near the center of the country. With one of the EU?s most open economies, Belgium welcomes foreign investment, and its economic policies do not distinguish between domestic and foreign companies."
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The Chechnya Dilemma, 2004.
This paper discusses the on-going generational warfare for Chechnya and how the presence of Islamic fundamentalist terrorists makes the political state of Chechnya more volatile than that of other bordering Russian republics.
1,930 words (approx. 7.7 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 61.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the small nation of Chechnya has demonstrated its inability to achieve an orderly government and, instead, has been a revolutionary and destabilizing influence in other republics throughout the region. The author points out that the military, Islamic fundamentalists, which have ties to Al-Qaeda, have little desire to balance their goals with the goals of other tribes that have lived in the area for centuries. The author feels Moscow should keep Chechnya under its 'iron boot' until the people decide that the time has come to exercise self-restraint and learn to govern themselves.
From the Paper
"During the next 6 or 7 decades, the control of Chechnya changed hands a number of times, until the ascension of the Soviet Union to between the world wars. At different periods during these 7 years, the state?s citizens were forced onto collective farms and Russia made efforts to restrict their religious practices. The Chechens suffered under these policies and fought fiercely for their beliefs, and their cultural heritage. Just before WWII, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin accused the Chechen?s of collaboration with the Nazis and deported them (again) to Central Asia. The republic was abolished and was not restored until 957, when its former inhabitants were allowed to return from exile."
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The Labor Policies of the Former Soviet Union, 2004.
This paper discusses the labor policies of the former Soviet Union, which contributed to the downfall of the Soviet Union.
2,030 words (approx. 8.1 pages), 10 sources, APA, $ 64.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the downfall of the Soviet Union was, in part, due to the labor policies such as the promise of work, the compulsory labor policies and the promise of equal pay to many people regardless of their work. The author points out these labor policies created an apathetic attitude about productivity and success that led to an inability to stir the nation into growth, which was the cause of the ultimate downfall of the Soviet Union. The paper contends that, as the nation rebuilds, it is important that it allows a policy of free market competitiveness.
From the Paper
"The Red Army of Workers simulated what Americans know as "Unions". The difference was that the Red Army of Workers was actually controlled by the government and given freedoms that the government felt were allowable. This again wiped out any hope for motivation or drive and those who belonged simply went through the paces. The government allowed the workers to be given the right to participate in the government structure and to practice religion but later years removed such rights. The laboring masses were then nothing but workhorses who went each day, performed their duties, and did not have anything to wish for or hope for."
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